Page Title
STEEPED IN INEQUALITY: UNCOVERING THE HIDDEN STORIES OF MOZAMBICAN EARN AND LEARN STUDENTS IN ZIMBABWE’S TEA ESTATES, 1980-2013
Chikwava Sigauke
Introduction
In the late 20th century, debates on “child labour”, inequality, and economic development gained global attention. Efforts by the United Nations and the International Labour Organization sought to address these issues, but exploitative labour practices persisted in Southern Africa. Zimbabwe’s Tea Estates, particularly the Earn and Learn System (EALS), perpetuated inequality and “child labour” under the guise of education and vocational training. This study examines the experiences of Mozambican Earn and Learn students at Tanganda Tea Estates in Chipinge, south-eastern Zimbabwe, between 1980 and 2013, uncovering stories of exploitation and resilience. Their background reveals unique factors why they migrated as young children. Tanganda Tea Estates contracted children (defined as anyone under the age of 18)[1] from across Zimbabwe and Mozambique to work for them in return for educational support. Most of the children engaged through the EALS came from Mussourize communities surrounding the estates such as Muchemedzi, Mpingo, and Mapungwana. The children enrolled at Avontuur, Jersey, New Year’s Gift, Ratelshoek and Zona schools. The paper argues that we need to reconsider and contextualize our understanding and conceptualization of the implications and interpretation of “child labour” in local situations. Ultimately, this study highlights the need to move beyond simplistic narratives of “child labour” and instead adopt a nuanced understanding that acknowledges the complex interplay of poverty, migration, and education in shaping the experiences of the marginalized youth.
This study makes an important distinction between “child labour” and child work. The latter refers to a social instrument for child training, social integration, and preparation for adult life.[2] Child work encompasses several elements that can help the social and healthy development of the child and does not detract from essential activities such as education, playing and sleeping.[3] However, “child labour” is “labour performed by a child [that] risks the somatic, psychological, or just the well-being of a child.”[4] “Child labour” involves the obnoxious exploitation of children; the child is restricted as a worker and there are no time restrictions. This study, therefore, adds to the understanding of this discourse by examining how parents and children conceptualised their local experiences as they interacted with the Tanganda Tea Company. By examining the motivation, experiences, and how they perceived their time in the system, this research aims to contribute to the historiography of childhood in Africa, promote children’s well-being, and situate African childhood experiences in historical and modern contexts.
This study is informed by supply-side theorization and the concept of the “economy of affection” to analyse the factors influencing the occurrence of EALS and the reciprocal benefits for tea estate owners and students. The supply-side considerations influenced the socio-economic context in which the EALS occurred by determining what constitutes “child work” or “child labour”. By exploring this case study, the paper contributes to a deeper understanding of the complex dynamics driving inequality and child labour in the global south. The study begins in 1980 because the year marked a critical juncture in Zimbabwe’s history, as the country transitioned from colonial rule to independence. This period also saw significant changes in education policies, which had a profound impact on the EALS. The study ended in 2013, when the EALS system was abandoned.
Literature Review and Methodology
This work draws on the existing literature on Childhood Studies. While scholars like Grier, Bourdillon, and White have explored the role of African “child labour” in capital accumulation and commodification of childhood[5], their work disregards the agency and influence of children in shaping their experiences. In contrast, research by Chirwa, Agrawal; Kielland and Tovo emphasizes the importance of considering children’s perspectives and the cultural context of “child labour.”[6] Hungwe, Sachikonye, and Salani situate “child labour” within the broader context of poverty, necessity, and social obligation[7], but their frameworks overlook the autonomy and influence of children. All in all, this study builds on the work of these scholars to understand the nature of “child labour” as opposed to child work. However, many of the works overemphasize how the quest for economic efficiency pushes employers to contract child labourers.[8] This rules out other possible reasons such as Social Contract Responsibility and Philanthropy.[9] Likewise, a few other works also overemphasize poverty as the sole reason driving children to work on the plantations.[10] None of these viewpoints captures the full story because they fail to account for the persistence of the EALS over a period of 33 years. Hence, a socio-economic history approach over the entire run of the EALS will be able to encapsulate the saliences of “child labour” that other disciplinary approaches do not quite satisfy.
The study employed qualitative methods including archival research and auto-ethnographic approaches to gather data from diverse stakeholders. It focused on a case study of Tanganda Tea Estates and surrounding communities to revisit discourses around “child labour” vs. child work. A total of 32 informants were randomly selected for in-depth interviews, with 16 of them being females. The study adopted purposive sampling to target interviewees who experienced the EALS, focusing on middle-aged individuals with familial ties to the EALS. Data was collected through questionnaires and in-depth interviews. The snowball sampling technique was used to identify 14 former foreign students who went through the EALS and were interviewed. Archival research involved scrutinizing records from Tanganda Tea Estates and the National Archives of Zimbabwe, and the auto-ethnographic approach included gathering data from the researcher’s own experience. Participants were fully informed about the research’s purpose and provided informed consent.
Background: Origins of Tanganda Tea Company
Tanganda Tea Company started growing tea commercially in the Chipinge district, Zimbabwe, during the colonial period in the mid-1920s. The name ‘Tanganda’ derives from the river that runs through New Year’s Gift, one of the company estates. To most Zimbabweans, however, it is synonymous with tea.[11] Jackson and Cheater note that the production of tea and coffee started with Tanganda Tea Company (formerly Ward and Phillips).[12] The company was started by two Indian planters, Arthur Ward and Grafton Phillips, and used seeds brought from Assam, India, by Mrs. Florence Phillips.[13] They initiated a small tea plantation on New Year’s Gift Estate in Chipinge. To this date, tea is primarily grown in the Mutasa and Chipinge districts of Manicaland Province where the environmental factors are suitable for both large-scale and smallholder viable tea production.[14] Besides that, according to Rearden, tea production in Zimbabwe succeeded by establishing irrigated estates in the Eastern Highlands.[15]
In the 1920s, white farmers employed women and children from the reserves as casual or seasonal labour and sought to attract whole families to work on their farms as wage labourers.[16] The Native Juveniles Employment Act of 1926 allowed children to work alongside their parents on white-owned commercial farms.[17] Additionally, missionaries utilized juveniles as unpaid domestic workers in their own houses and on mission-owned commercial farms.[18] White employers and missionaries saw children as a cheap source of labour and allocated them numerous farm duties.[19] The use of juveniles was crucial to the earnings of white farmers, who benefited from the state both in accessing juvenile labour and in controlling and disciplining the children.[20]
Reflections on colonial African education
The introduction of colonial education and the rise of the mission and kraal school system in colonial Rhodesia cemented the space for the presence of a childhood distinctiveness.[21] Some African children were keen on the unique views of learning to read and write to augment their social status and economic opportunities.[22] According to Charton-Bigot the advance of colonial schools contributed to the rise of childhood as a social category and schools produced the circumstances for the presence of a new group of actors between childhood and adulthood.[23]
The new education scheme drew youths together as the missionaries eagerly participated in changing African societies within their spheres of influence. Frederick Lugard viewed African education as threatening to the system of indirect rule.[24] In Southern Rhodesia, African education had been left under religious missions.[25] In 1907 NC for Belingwe warned:
To educate him, (the African) in book learning alone, without the wholesome discipline of labour, is fatal. A smattering of education suffices to give him imagination, very little of which the ordinary uncivilized native possesses. The first result of imagination is to breed ideas, and the ideas which come more readily on an idle man are his grievances or supposed grievances… The partially educated barbarian is the man who foments discontent leading, as it has done in Natal, to rebellion.[26]
In the 1920s, schools in African villages of Southern Rhodesia became important for social mobility and empowerment.[27] The colonial education systems aimed to produce a labour force for the colonial powers, but Africans realized that education could help them gain knowledge and skills to improve their employment opportunities and defend their rights.[28]
The Earn-And-Learn System in Tanganda Tea Estates
The farm schools – namely Avontuur, Jersey, New Year’s Gift, Ratelshoek, and Zona – were established to keep juvenile labour on the plantations in the 1930s.[29] During this period, the schools provided primary education mainly to cater for the children of estate workers, mostly African labourers. These schools chiefly provided basic education that focused on agricultural skills and labour force training. Ratelshoek, for example, provided only up to Grade Two.[30] This fascinated children in rural areas. The sources of adult labour for Tanganda Tea Company were the neighbouring areas of Mozambique while school pupils worked in the morning and then went to school in the afternoon.[31] The Company employed more than 1600 children and adolescents who worked part-time on the farm for nominal wages and attended the company’s schools part-time.[32] However, the schools provided poor-quality education. Also, they opened and closed according to the farm work schedule.
Tanganda Tea Estates faced challenges in attracting and retaining labour due to its remote location and harsh working conditions.[33] To reduce labour costs, the company employed children and young adults at lower wages through the EALS. The system provided control and discipline while claiming to offer vocational training and improve productivity. However, it perpetuated exploitation and paternalism influenced by colonial-era labour practices. Mozambican children, vulnerable due to poverty and economic instability, faced particular exploitation under the EALS.[34]
Experiences and Conditions in the Earn-And-Learn System
This section integrates the concept of the “economy of affection”, which highlights mutual benefits, social relationships, trust, and loyalty nurtured within the system. It explores reciprocal advantages for both tea estate owners and students, including access to education, training, and employment. It also emphasizes the personal connections, trust, and loyalty cultivated among students, as well as the exchange of labour for education and training, which instilled a sense of responsibility and discipline. Furthermore, it delves into the significant role of kinship ties in labour recruitment and retention, where family relationships influenced access to the system and ultimately impacted students’ experiences and conditions within the system.
In the 1980s, changes in the EALS led to a shift towards free education for everyone.[35] This reduced the labour pool for EALS, and workers began to expect better wages and working conditions. Despite the availability of free education, it was not always accessible in rural areas due to shortages of schools, teachers, and resources. Orphaned or vulnerable children often had to work to support themselves or their families, making EALS still a necessity. Despite the challenges, an increased number of orphans and vulnerable children sought education within the EALS, using the wages they earned to buy uniforms, books, and other necessities.[36] For example, Johanna joined the EALS after being orphaned at a young age.[37]
Additionally, the size of families affected children’s enrolment in Tanganda schools, as many fathers had multiple wives and struggled to support their children, leading to difficulties in paying school fees.[38] Consequently, many mothers chose to send their children to Tanganda for education because the fees were more manageable. The local community recognized that financial hardships at home were a significant factor in sending children to these schools, with many families struggling to provide enough food and other essentials.[39] There was a consensus that if the government provided free education for all, these children would not have had to attend these schools.[40]
The former students had the opportunity to gain an in-depth understanding of the tea industry, including aspects such as tea plantation management, processing, and marketing.[41] This extensive exposure opened up diverse career paths for the former students, equipping them with transferable skills applicable to other sectors within agriculture. Furthermore, the EALS emphasized the importance of industriousness and physical strength, with one informant describing it as a training centre for individuals to realize the value of standing up for themselves.[42] Outstanding students were awarded bursaries for their Advanced level education. The government of Zimbabwe supported the system[43], and there were notable success stories of former pupils finding careers in teaching and agriculture internationally.[44]
Moreover, Jersey and Ratelshoek Secondary Schools excelled in ‘O’-level results between 1995 and 1997, surpassing the district average with 42% of students passing five or more ‘O’-level subjects, compared to 25% in the Chipinge District.[45] An interviewee revealed that the schools’ success was attributed to the admission selection process driven by competition for places, and the facilities and quality of teaching provided.[46] However, the primary-level results were disappointing. The estates pressured the schools to admit children with weaker academic backgrounds, prioritizing those with parents working on the estates or showing talent in plucking.[47]
As per the feedback received from one participant, students were required to work in the fields from 6:00 until 12:30 on Saturdays.[48] Following this, they were given the rest of the day off, wherein some form of entertainment was typically organized for the evening. On Sundays, children had the day off, except for a mandatory study period in the evening.[49] The winter timetable mandated 29 hours of work every week, which left the students with inadequate time to sleep.[50] Unfortunately, it seems that the need for sufficient sleep was not taken into consideration by anyone.[51] The estate management claimed its share of hours from the children, while the school also demanded its fair share of hours.[52]
In the past, there were reports of children being required to work during school holidays.[53] Student representatives met with management to address grievances, and strikes occurred due to poor remuneration and working conditions, such as long hours without breaks and the absence of protective clothing.[54] In 2011, students from Jersey Tea Estate used the internet to raise awareness about their severe working conditions.[55]
In addition, the company operated five clinics, one at each of the tea estates, ensuring the health and safety of learners.[56] Notably, sick children required a clinic certificate to excuse them from work.[57] However, certificates were sometimes issued for light work only or not issued at all. Nevertheless, the management was generally sympathetic towards sick children. Interestingly, one manager, who had experienced the system first-hand, acknowledged the challenge of determining genuine illnesses and even shared some of the tactics he used to skip work during his school days.[58]
The task of pruning in the tea bushes was assigned to the older boys. They were given quotas that some could complete in just an hour and a half.[59] However, careless pruning could pose a danger to these boys, and unfortunately, several children were injured.[60] One such example was Chiko Chaza, who accidentally cut one of his legs just above the knee. He had to spend nearly three months in the clinic to recover.[61] Although many students had been hurt by pruning knives, “I am grateful for the first aid that was provided. The clinic was located nearby, and depending on the severity of the injury, some were referred to hospitals such as Mt Selinda and Chipinge.”[62]
Due to adverse weather, some children experienced health issues. Nyambi Nyatesa sought traditional healing, while Chitsi Garara lost her eye in 2008 but received medical care, including a successful eye transplant.[63] The company covered the hospital bills and promised to support her until she completed her studies.[64] Unfortunately, she did not finish her education. Nevertheless, the company continued to look after its students, recognizing their importance to its workforce.
Furthermore, some respondents viewed the work at school as relatively manageable compared to their experiences at home.[65] Again, many children were accustomed to working at home and even found the school much better.[66] Additionally, they appreciated the opportunity to read at school, which they never had time for at home. However, another informant starkly contrasted this view, describing the school work as unbearable, particularly the physical labour of carrying heavy loads that left them with aching muscles and a weakened skeletal system.[67] Moreover, they felt a deep sense of fatigue that even affected their sleep. Interestingly, this informant highlighted the stark difference between the treatments received at school versus the care they received at home.[68]
Despite concerns about child labour, many former students spoke positively about their experiences at the school. Notably, many individuals who went through the system praised it and were reported to be happy during their time. Moreover, parents and others expressed concern that the company might stop the system due to external pressure.[69] The deputy headmaster, a product of the system himself, argued that critics did not understand the benefits, asking, “How can you say [the company] is bad? If this scheme was not here, where would I be?”[70] Interestingly, he noted that children who did not join the system struggled with harder lives as tea pluckers and farmers. Furthermore, efforts to eliminate “child labour” sometimes pushed children into worse situations, highlighting the need to consider the reasons behind child labour and the alternatives.[71]
Additionally, it’s interesting to note that the youngsters were offered complimentary lodging in cosy dormitories and were provided meals in the communal dining area.[72] While certain students were grateful for the nutritious meals, others expressed dissatisfaction with the food, unhygienic environment, and repetitive menu.[73] Additionally, local vendors could sporadically sell meat, milk, fish, and vegetables in the evenings.[74] Teachers had to taste the food to ensure it was well-prepared. The boarding master and matron provided a fixed meal schedule.[75]
Another informant narrated his experiences and how he joined the EALS during the colonial period. According to Machoba, he arrived at Jersey Tea Estate at the age of 19 seeking employment as a cattle herder.
Born in Chikwekwete, Mossourize District, Mozambique, I was the firstborn of my mother, the ninth wife of my father, who had 14 wives. With no access to education in my area, I moved to Zimbabwe in search of work. For nearly four years, I herded cattle under an agreement where the owner would reward me with a heifer after one year, and additional heifers for each subsequent year. During a holiday in 1973, I met Tichaona Makuyana, a student at Ratelshoek who introduced me to the EALS. Inspired, I joined the system that same year. Through dedication and hard work, I completed my Ordinary level in 1983. Today I proudly serve as a Director at SMS South Africa. The EALS had a profound impact on my life and family. It instilled in me three essential values: hard work, discipline and responsibility. I cherish the admirable relationship we had with management, teachers, and parents. The teachers’ dedication was remarkable, often conducting lessons on weekends. I attribute my success to the system’s influence.[76]
Another informant came from Jokoniwa in Mossourize District in Mozambique:
In 1982, at the age of 21, I joined the EALS, commencing my education in Grade One at Zona Tea Estate. Before this, I had spent time herding cattle in Zimbabwe’s Chimana area, having been separated from my mother at a young age due to her untimely passing when I was just one-year-old. I was raised by my grandparents. Through the EALS, I was able to access education and subsequently pursue a career in law, culminating in my current position as a lawyer in Mutare. My success has enabled me to acquire property in all ten provinces of Zimbabwe. Notable, few individuals are aware of my foreign origins, as I have obtained all necessary documentation for myself and my family. Regrettably, when the EALS was discontinued in 2013, I was outside of Zimbabwe on official duty and unable to advocate for its continuation. Despite this, I remain grateful for the opportunities afforded to me by the system, which have enabled me to achieve my current status.[77]
Another informant who was enrolled on the EALS in 1997 at Jersey Tea Estate was driven by economic necessity and attracted by the system’s boarding school structure. He explained that the provision of electricity for night-time study was a significant advantage, enabling him to excel academically:[78]
Before joining the system, I commuted from Mpingo in Mozambique to Gwenzi Primary School from Grade One to Five in Zimbabwe, before transferring to the EALS at Grade Six. Through the system, I completed Form Four and secured a bursary from Tanganda, allowing me to pursue further education at Mt Selinda High School. Currently, I hold a position as a lecturer at Great Zimbabwe University. I attribute my academic success and professional achievements to the EALS, which provided me with a supportive environment and access to education. The system’s impact on my life has been profound, and I appreciate the values and skills instilled in me during my time there.[79]
Garwi attended Mabee Primary School from Grade One to five where he had to navigate the challenges of walking barefoot, particularly during the harsh winter. The unsanitary conditions of the boys’ toilets often marked by urine stains from the doorway to the facilities, made it difficult to enter without shoes:
I had to resort to tip-toeing to reach the toilet hole. However, my life took a transformative turn when I heard about the EALS in 2000 from my uncle Tapiwa. I enrolled into the system at Jersey Tea Estate in the same year, commencing Grade Six. Through hard work and determination, I completed my Ordinary level in 2005 with an impressive academic record of 5A’s and 3B’s. The EALS proved to be my breakthrough, as it enabled me to secure a bursary from Tanganda Tea Company to pursue Advanced level studies at Mt Selinda High School. I excelled in the Science subjects, achieving 14 points. This academic foundation has served me well in my professional journey, and I am currently employed as an engineer in Bulawayo.[80]
In summary, the EALS presented a complex experience for the children involved, providing benefits for both tea estate owners and students, yet perpetuating inequality and exploitation due to power dynamics and structural factors. Its impact on students’ lives was profound, with some attributing their success to the system’s influence, while others faced challenges and hardships.
Demise of the Earn-And-Learn System
The Tanganda Tea Company was forced to cease operations due to various reasons, with “child labour” being the most prominent. Both the ILO and UNICEF accused the company of exploiting children.[81] A UNICEF report from 2010 revealed a high incidence of “child labour” in Zimbabwe, with 13% of children affected, violating the ILO Convention 182 on the worst forms of child labour, which Zimbabwe had ratified in 2000.[82] This convention mandates immediate and effective action to prevent and eliminate the worst forms of “child labour”[83] and stipulates that primary education should be free and compulsory for all children.[84] Therefore, the Company was deemed to be a significant violator of the International Convention on the Worst Forms of Child Labour.
The Company made a significant move towards sustainability in September 2011 by becoming a member of the Rainforest Alliance (RFA).[85] This non-profit organization is dedicated to preserving biodiversity and safeguarding the well-being and rights of workers, their families, and communities.[86] RFA sets standards for all products in the international market, similar to Fairtrade. As a result, the company had to discontinue the use of EALS in 2013 to ensure a fair price for their tea products and to attain certification by 2014.[87] Bourdillon argues that the primary concern about “child labour” should not be centred on a complete prohibition of it, as there may be valid reasons against such a measure.[88] Rather, the emphasis should be placed on enhancing the conditions for children who are compelled to work and guaranteeing that their labour is recognized as valid work, both in terms of tangible and intangible benefits, at all levels.[89]
Conclusion
The paper uncovers the complex dynamics surrounding the EALS in Tanganda Tea Estates, Zimbabwe between 1980 and 2013. It reveals varied perspectives among communities and children, with some viewing it as beneficial and others considering it exploitative. While the system provided important skills for students, it also perpetuated inequality. Students demonstrated agency through protests, leading to the system’s abandonment in 2013 due to concerns over “child labour”. The research contributes to a deeper understanding of the complex dynamics driving inequality and “child labour” in the global south, highlighting the importance of contextualizing child labour and considering the nuanced perspectives of communities and children involved.
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INTERVIEWS
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Interview with B. Kuboya, senior teacher at Zona Secondary School, 22 December 2016.
Interview with B. Simango, Headmaster at Ratelshoek High School, 17 December 2016.
Interview with C. Karidza, Headmaster at Jersey High School, 21 December 2016.
Interview with C. Marufiye, former student at Jersey, resident in Musirizwi, 8 January 2017.
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Noy, C. “Sampling knowledge: the hermeneutics of snowball sampling in qualitative research,” International Journal of Social Research Methodology, Vol. 11, 2008, pp.327-344. doi: 10.1080/13645570701401305. Accessed on 19 September 2023.
Suwankhong, D. and Liamputtong, P. “Cultural insiders and research fieldwork: case examples from cross-cultural research with Thai people”, Int J Qual Methods, Vol.14, No.5, 2015. https://doi.org/10.1177/1609406915621404, Accessed on 20 September 2023.
UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, http://www.unicef.org/crc/, Accessed on 4 September 2019.
UNICEF. “Child protection from violence, exploitation and abuse-Child labour,” Available at http://www.unicef.org/protection/index-childlabour.html, Accessed on 15 April 2017.
UNICEF. “Towards an AIDS-Free Generation – Children and AIDS: Sixth Stocktaking Report,” 2013, Available at http://www.avert.org/children-orphaned-hiv-and-aids.htm#sthash.cl0GvPuo.dpuf, Accessed on 12 September 2016.
Dissertations
Mhike, I. “Deviance and Colonial Power: A History of Juvenile Delinquency in Colonial Zimbabwe, 1890-c.1960,” PhD Thesis, The University of the Free State, 2016.
Salani, J. “The relevancy of work and schooling to school students working under ‘earn and learn system’ in Tanganda Tea Schools in the changing socio-economic and political environment,” Diploma in Project Planning Monitoring and Evaluation, Africa Learning Development (ALDN), 2014.
Sigauke, C. “The collapse and socio-economic impact of the “Earn and Learn” programme in Tanganda Tea Estates, Chipinge District,” Special Honours Dissertation, Department of Economic History, University of Zimbabwe, 2017.
Act
Children’s Protection and Adoption Amendment Act 23 of Zimbabwe’s Constitution of 2013.
[1] This study has adopted the simplified and legal definition of a child. A child is, therefore, any person under the age of 18 years. See Children’s Protection and Adoption Amendment Act 23 of Zimbabwe’s Constitution of 2013. In this context, childhood is how people control social experiences concerning the everyday engagement of children with society and negotiating their position and competence in society. The numerical age does not define this, but the activities they undergo in society.
[2]See Bourdillon, “Child Labour” in Southern Africa, (Unpublished paper).
[3] J. Mangoma and M. Bourdillon, “The Work of Children in Impoverished Families”, in P. Hebinck and M. Bourdillon, (eds.), Women, Men and Work: Rural livelihoods in south-eastern Zimbabwe, Harare: Weaver Press, 2001, p.13.
[4] UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, http://www.unicef.org/crc/, Accessed on 4 September 2019.
[5] See B. C. Grier, Invisible Hands: Child labour and the State in Colonial Zimbabwe, Portsmouth, HN: Heinemann, 2006; M. F. C. Bourdillon, “Child Labour and Education: A Case of South-Eastern Zimbabwe,” Journal of Social Development in Africa, Vol.15, No.2, 2000, pp.5-32; O. White, Children of the French Empire: Miscegenation and Colonial society in French West Africa 1895-1960 (No publication details); K. Wells, Childhood in a Global Perspective, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2009, p.9; W. Chirwa, “Child and Youth Labour on the Nyasaland Plantations, 1890-1953,” Journal of Southern African Studies, 1993, Vol.19, No.4, pp.662-680; B. Swai, “Tanganyika and the great depression 1929-1936,” Transafrican Journal of History, 1980, Vol.9, No.1/2, pp.192-225; B. Swai, “East India Company and Moplah Merchants of Tellicherry: 1694-1800,” Social Scientist, 1979, pp.58-70; K. T. Hansen, “Body Politics: sexuality, gender, and domestic service in Zambia,” Journal of Women’s History, 1990, Vol. 2, No.1, pp.120-142.
[6] See A. Kielland and M. Tovo, Children at work; Child labour practices in Africa, Boulder; Lynne Rienner Publisher, Inc, 2006; N. Agrawal and M. Agrawal, “Child labour in Indian Agriculture sector: Causes, consequences, and the way forward,” Indian Journal of Health and Well-being, Vol.8, No.3, pp.274-278; T. Ahn, “Child Labour in Vietnam: A Study of the Causes and Consequences.” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol.39, No.1, 2008, pp.1-15.
[7] See K. N. Hungwe, “Learning to Labour: Children on Commercial Farms in Zimbabwe”, (Publication details not indicated), p.3; L. M. Sachikonye, Child Labour in Hazardous Employment: The case of Zimbabwe, The Republic of Zimbabwe: Zimbabwe Institute of Development Studies, 1991; J. Salani, “The relevancy of work and schooling to school students working under ‘earn and learn system’ in Tanganda Tea Schools in the changing socio-economic and political environment”, Diploma in Project Planning Monitoring and Evaluation, Africa Learning Development (ALDN), 2014, p.31; C. Sigauke, “The collapse and socio-economic impact of the “Earn and Learn” programme in Tanganda Tea Estates, Chipinge District,” Special Honours Dissertation, Department of Economic History, University of Zimbabwe, 2017; S. Moyo, “The Political Economy of Child Labour in Zimbabwe.” Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol.38, No.1, 2012, pp.1-18.
[8] See Agrawal and Agrawal, “Child labour in Indian Agriculture sector: Causes, consequences, and the way forward,” Indian Journal of Health and Well-being, Vol.8, No.3, pp.274-278; Kielland and Tovo, Children at work; Child labour practices in Africa, Boulder; Lynne Rienner Publisher, Inc, 2006.
[9] See Sachikonye, Child Labour in Hazardous Employment: The case of Zimbabwe, The Republic of Zimbabwe: Zimbabwe Institute of Development Studies, 1991; J. Salani, “The relevancy of work and schooling to school students working under ‘earn and learn system’ in Tanganda Tea Schools in the changing socio-economic and political environment”, Diploma in Project Planning Monitoring and Evaluation, Africa Learning Development (ALDN), 2014.
[10] See K. N. Hungwe, “Learning to Labour: Children on Commercial Farms in Zimbabwe”, (Publication details not indicated), p.3; L. M. Sachikonye, Child Labour in Hazardous Employment: The case of Zimbabwe, The Republic of Zimbabwe: Zimbabwe Institute of Development Studies, 1991; J. Salani, “The relevancy of work and schooling to school students working under ‘earn and learn system’ in Tanganda Tea Schools in the changing socio-economic and political environment”, Diploma in Project Planning Monitoring and Evaluation, Africa Learning Development (ALDN), 2014, p.31; C. Sigauke, “The collapse and socio-economic impact of the “Earn and Learn” programme in Tanganda Tea Estates, Chipinge District,” Special Honours Dissertation, Department of Economic History, University of Zimbabwe, 2017; S. Moyo, “The Political Economy of Child Labour in Zimbabwe.” Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol.38, No.1, 2012, pp.1-18.
[11] Interview with S. Hlatshwayo, Estate Manager at Jersey Tanganda Tea Estate, 21 December 2016.
[12]J. C. Jackson and A. P. Cheater, “Contract Farming in Zimbabwe: Case Studies of Sugar, Tea and Cotton”, in P. D. Little and M. J. Watts, Living under Contract: Contract Farming and Agrarian Transformations in Sub-Saharan Africa, London: University of Wisconsin Press, 1994.
[13] Ibid.
[14] Ibid.
[15] T. Rearden et al, Determinants of Farm Productivity in Africa: A synthesis of Four Case Studies. Technical Paper No.75, Department of Agricultural Economics, Michigan State University, 1997, p.91.
[16]B. Grier, “Child Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe”, in H. D. Hindman, (ed), The world of child labour: An historical and religional survey, New York: M.E. Sharpe Inc, 2009, p.298.
[16]B. Grier, “Invisible Hands: The Political Economy of Child Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, 1890-1930”, Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, 1994, p.29.
[17] K. N. Hungwe, “Learning to Labour: Children on Commercial Farms in Zimbabwe”, (Publication details not indicated) pp.27-28.
[18] Ibid, p.28.
[19]Ibid.
[20] I. Mhike, “Deviance and Colonial Power: A History of Juvenile Delinquency in Colonial Zimbabwe, 1890-c.1960,” PhD Thesis, The University of the Free State, February 2016, p.52.
[21] Ibid.
[22] Ibid, p.54.
[23]Charton-Bigot quoted in I. Mhike, “Deviance and Colonial Power: A History of Juvenile Delinquency in Colonial Zimbabwe, 1890-c.1960,” pp.52-53.
[24] Frederick Lugard, the British colonial administrator of West Africa from 1895 quoted in Mhike, “Deviance and Colonial Power: A History of Juvenile Delinquency in Colonial Zimbabwe, 1890-c.1960,” p.56.
[25]Mhike, “Deviance and Colonial Power: A History of Juvenile Delinquency in Colonial Zimbabwe, 1890-c.1960,” p.56.
[26] NAZ S138/260, NC, Belingwe, Annual Report 1907, p.11; see also, S. Marks, Reluctant Rebellion, 1906-1908 Disturbances in Natal, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1960.
[27] L.H. Gann, A History of Southern Rhodesia: Early days to 1934, London, Chatto and Windus, 1965, p.223.
[28] C. Summers, Colonial Lessons: Africans’ Education in Southern Rhodesia, 1918-1940, Portsmouth, Heinemann, 2002, pp.3-4.
[29] Salani, “The relevancy of work and schooling to school students working under ‘earn and learn system’ in Tanganda Tea Schools in the changing socio-economic and political environment”, p.31.
[30] Taringana, “The Development of the coffee industry in colonial Zimbabwe”, p.153.
[31] Interview with S. Hlatshwayo, Estate Manager at Jersey Tanganda Tea Estate, 21 December 2021.
[32] B. Grier, “Earn as you learn: Child labour and schooling on the tea estates of colonial Zimbabwe”, Paper presented to the Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association, Orlando Florida, November 6, 1995, p.34.
[33] Interview with S. Hlatshwayo, Estate Manager at Jersey Tanganda Tea Estate, 21 December 2021.
[34] Grier, “Earn as you learn: Child labour and schooling on the tea estates of colonial Zimbabwe”, p.34.
[35]Interview with Mr. S. Hlatshwayo, Jersey Tea Estate Manager, on 7 October 2023. He is a senior Manager. He joined the Tea Estates in 1960.
[36] Salani, “The relevancy of work and schooling to school students working under ‘earn and learn system’ in Tanganda Tea Schools in the changing socio-economic and political environment”, p.8.
[37] Interview with Johanna, a resident in Mutare, Former Student at Jersey High School, 21 December 2016.
[38] Interview with B. Simango, Headmaster at Ratelshoek High School, 17 December 2016.
[39]Ibid.
[40]Ibid.
[41] Interview with T. Sigauke, a former student at Jersey High School in 2007, on 1 October 2023.
[42] Interview with Mr. S. Sigauke, a former student at Jersey High School in 1996, 9 October 2023.
[43] Interview with J. Pariduri a senior teacher at Ratelshoek Primary School, 19 December 2016.
[44] Ibid.
[45] Interview with C. Karidza, Headmaster at Jersey High School, 21 December 2016.
[46] Interview with S. Muwandi, a teacher at Jersey High School, 23 December 2016.
[47] Ibid.
[48] Interview with F. Chamunorwa, former Earn and Learn student at Jersey High School and he is now teaching at Jersey Primary School, 9 February 2024.
[49] Ibid.
[50] Interview with Personnel Manager, Zona Tea Estate, 22 December 2016.
[51] Interview with T. Chivhovho, local resident at Mundanda and former student at Jersey High School, on 1 September 2023.
[52] Ibid.
[53] Ibid.
[54] Interview with S. Mabuto, Factory Manager at Zona Tea Estate, 22 December 2016.
[55] Interview with T. Femai, former student at Jersey, resident in Mutare, 8 January 2017.
[56]Ibid.
[57] Ibid.
[58] Interview with S. Hlatshwayo, Estate Manager at Jersey Tanganda Tea Estate, 21 December 2022.
[59]Interview with L. Jubika, former student at Jersey High School, a resident in Buhera, 9 October 2016.
[60] Ibid.
[61] Ibid.
[62] Interview with R. Z. Sigauke, former student at Jersey High School, 21 January 2017.
[63] Interview with K. Mhlanga, former student at Jersey High School local resident, 16 January 2017.
[64] Interview with S. Mabuto, Factory Manager at Zona Tea Estate, 22 December 2016.
[65] Interview with J. Ziyakacha, Senior teacher at Jersey High School, 20 December 2016.
[66] Ibid.
[67] Ibid.
[68]Ibid.
[69] Ibid.
[70] Interview with Mr. L. Njeni, Deputy Headmaster at Jersey High School. He joined the system in 1970 and started teaching at Ratelshoek in 1993, 22 October 2022.
[71] See, for example, Lolichen 1997; White 1996 and Zalami 1998 on experiences in Morocco, Bangladesh and India; and Durai 1997, p.52, on how the motive for such moves is sales rather than the good of the children.
[72] Interview with N. Semwayo, a former student at New Year’s Gift Primary School, 28 May 2022.
[73] Interview with T. Gwenzi, former student at New Year’s Gift Primary School, 17 December 2016.
[74] Interview with C. Marufiye, former student at Jersey, resident in Musirizwi, 8 January 2017.
[75] Interview with S. Sita a former student at Avontuur Secondary School and completed advanced level at Ratelshoek High School, 24 December 2016.
[76] Interview with R. Machoba, a former student at Jersey High School, 20 November 2022.
[77] Interview with C. Mbaringwe, a former student at Zona High School, 27 August 2023.
[78] Interview with S. Chimwenje, a former student at Jersey High School, 2 August 2023.
[79] Interview with S. Chimwenje, a former student at Jersey High School, 2 August 2023.
[80] Interview with G. Garwi, a former student at Jersey High School, 10 February 2023.
[81] Sigauke, “The collapse and socio-economic impact of the “Earn and Learn” programme in Tanganda Tea Estates, Chipinge District,” p.21.
[82] Ibid.
[83] M. Bourdillon, “Working children in Zimbabwe” in H. D. Hindman, (ed), The world of child labour: An historical and religional survey, New York: M.E. Sharpe Inc, 2009, p.293.
[84] D. T. Tshuma et al., “An Evaluation of Rainforest Alliance (R.F.A) Towards the Sustainable Use and Management of the Environment at Ratelshoek Tea Estate in Chipinge District of Manicaland Province, Zimbabwe”, International Journal of Innovative Research and Development, 2013, Vol. 2 Issue 5, p.1841.
[85] Ibid, p.1848.
[86]Interview with B. Kuboya, senior teacher at Zona Secondary School, 22 December 2016.
[87] Interview with S. Hlatshwayo, Estate Manager at Jersey Tanganda Tea Estate, 21 December 2016; see also Tshuma et al., “An Evaluation of Rainforest Alliance (R.F.A) Towards The Sustainable Use and Management of the Environment at Ratelshoek Tea Estate in Chipinge District of Manicaland Province, Zimbabwe”, International Journal of Innovative Research and Development, 2013, Vol. 2 Issue 5, p.1848.
[88] Bourdillon, “Children and Work: A Review of Current Literature and Debates,” Development and Change, Vol. 37, No. 6, 2006, pp.1201-1226. https//doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7660.2006.00519.x Accessed on 31 March 2024.
[89] Ibid.
