Page Title

Violent Conflict Exacerbates Social Inequality: Livelihood Experiences of Women Survivors of Sexual Violence in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo

Bisimwa Timothee Makanishe

Sexual violence is one of the damaging and disruptive effects of violent conflict. This paper focuses on the experiences of women survivors of sexual violence in the DRC as a marginalised social group. Building upon the existing pool of knowledge on the health and socio-economic impact of sexual violence, I adopt the political economy approach[1] and use the sustainable livelihood framework (SLF) to demonstrate how violent conflict[2] and the attendant sexual violence can exacerbate social inequality in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

For this article, social inequality is bi-dimensional: inequality of condition (unequal distribution of income, wealth, and material goods) and inequality of opportunities (unequal distribution of life chances across individuals) (Crossman, 2018). Violent conflict inherently damages and disrupts the normal course of economic activities by destroying productive forces (e.g., labour), thus altering the structural determinants of inequality. While “the poor and the unskilled seem to face the greatest economic hardship”, a small minority of “war profiteers” emerges (Bircan et al., 2017, p. 127)[3]. However, it is beyond the scope of this paper to address the issue of war profiteers.

The abundant literature on the subject in the DRC context mainly focused on topics such as the risk of sexual violence (Zihindula & Maharaj, 2015), its patterns and instrumentalisation as a weapon of war (Bartels et al., 2010; Mukwege & Nangini, 2009), gendered attitudes towards sexual violence (Kelly et al., 2012), its social and health impact (Kohli et al., 2014), and interventions to mitigate the impact (Glass & Perrin, 2013; Glass et al., 2014; Glass et al., 2013). These studies address how sexual violence results in adverse health and socio-economic consequences as women survivors further experience social victimisation and rejection (Kohli et al., 2013). This is because being sexually violated is customarily not only considered taboo but is also feared as a risk for HIV and unwelcome pregnancy (Ibid). Social isolation renders women survivors of sexual violence more vulnerable to poverty, which in turn intensifies their traumatic experiences (Glass et al., 2013). Social isolation entails the loss of access to vital resources, which in turn complicates survivors’ efforts to restore and improve their living conditions.

Based on these findings, development actors, specifically non-governmental organisations (NGOs), have implemented some mediation and livelihood interventions (e.g., livestock asset and cash transfers), aimed at buffering the impact of sexual violence, rebuilding the lives of survivors, and promoting their social reintegration (Kohli et al., 2017; Glass et al., 2014; Kohli et al., 2013; Glass et al., 2013). Studies evaluating such programmes show that livelihood support initiatives can reduce the negative health impacts of sexual violence (chronic stress, stigma, and trauma) and enable some beneficiaries to regain their worth and become productive members of society (Kohli et al., 2017; Glass et al., 2014; Glass & Perrin, 2013). Despite implementing such interventions, the evaluation found that survivors still needed financial assistance to meet basic needs (e.g., food, shelter, clothing, and education for children) and support their livelihood activities such as farming and informal trading. This underscores the limitation of non-livelihood support mechanisms in promoting the healing and social reintegration of women victims of sexual violence.

Two questions arise: 1) to what extent have such programmes resulted in sustainable livelihoods to ensure the sustainable social reintegration of women survivors of sexual violence? 2) given the limitation of current livelihood support pilot programmes, what alternative livelihood or coping strategies are available for women survivors of sexual violence who have not succeeded or benefited from such programmes? This article aims to further stimulate the debate by analysing the livelihood situation of women survivors of sexual violence, some of whom were beneficiaries of similar support, considering 1) their vulnerability context, 2) the impact of sexual violence on their livelihood assets, 3) the transforming structures and coping strategies, and 4) the attendant livelihood outcomes.

Methodology
1. Research Design, Sampling, and Data Collection

This paper is based on qualitative data collected from the city of Goma in North Kivu, a province with one of the highest incidences of sexual violence in the DRC. Survivors of sexual violence in the countryside in North Kivu and neighbouring provinces have sought refuge in the city[4]. Most of the participants were migrants from the eastern DRC provinces of Maniema and North Kivu. Fourteen (14) adult women survivors of sexual violence, aged between 34 and 56 years, participated in the study. Most (9/14) of them were living with HIV and only two did not have children, while others reported two to three children each. The qualitative design of the study entails the focus was on the quality and depth, rather than quantity of responses, to provide a deeper insight into the experiences of women survivors of sexual violence. While the seemingly small sample was determined by the availability and willingness of the participants to share their lived experiences, the in-depth interview approach generated sufficient data to answer the research question. The ability to obtain new information (saturation) was reached. As Cleary, Horsfall, and Hayter (2014:473) state, “Who and how many participants will depend on what you want to know, the purpose of the inquiry, what’s at stake, and what will be useful.”

Three criteria informed the selection of participants: 1) an adult woman, 2) a survived sexual violence, and 3) availability and willingness to participate voluntarily. The focus on women is supported by the above literature, showing that sexual violence is predominantly perpetrated against women, although men may also be victims.

A semi-structured interview guide (administered in Swahili) was used for data collection. This facilitated data collection on participants’ experiences with sexual violence and their living conditions. The duration was between 45 minutes to 90 minutes per interview. The interviewer used a probing technique to elicit more in-depth responses while scribing the responses on a notepad since voice recording was ruled out to ensure a more conducive interaction, considering the sensitivity of the topic.

Research Ethics

Ethical clearance was provided by the University of KwaZulu-Natal (Protocol Reference No.: HSS/0434/09M). TUMAINI, a registered faith-based, non-profit organisation that provides psychosocial support to women survivors of sexual violence in the city of Goma, facilitated access to participants. Briefing sessions were held with potential participants to explain the objectives of the study and seek consent for their involvement. They were informed that their participation was free and voluntary and that they could withdraw at any stage of the interview. Participants were further made to understand that anonymity and confidentiality would be upheld to protect their identity. A psychosocial and spiritual caregiver employed by TUMAINI was present to ensure immediate professional assistance in the event of an emotional breakdown during the interviews. However, none of the participants experienced this as they appeared comfortable sharing their experiences.

Data Analysis

NVivo was used to perform a thematic analysis based on key variables in the Sustainable Livelihood Framework (SLF) developed by the Department for International Development (DFID). This framework is helpful in studying human living conditions considering access to sustainable livelihoods. As depicted below, the SLF considers access to social, human, natural, financial, and physical capital as the sine qua non of achieving sustainable livelihoods (Makanishe, 2013). Sustainable livelihoods entail the ability of individuals or households to access means of living that enable them to meet their present needs to cope with and recover from stress and shock while maintaining and enhancing their livelihood capabilities and assets for future generations.

[1] The political economy of violent conflict “focuses on how economic issues and [political] interests shape conflict dynamics or on how violent conflict starts, endures, escalates, or ends” (Wennmann, 2019:2).

[2] Political and economic motives, including the quest for power, unanswered grievances, and the greed for natural and economic resources underly violent conflict in the eastern DRC where various armed groups commit violent crimes, including sexual abuses, against residents (Spittaels & Hilgert, 2008).

[3] Analysing the effect of violent conflict on inequality between 1960 and 2014, using cross-country data (161 countries), Bircan et al. (2017) found that the war period was characterised by rising levels of inequality.

[4] A study by Solhjell (2009) estimated that sexual violence in the province of North Kivu reached a monthly count of 400 based on reported cases.

The SLF is further used to analyse the vulnerability context of livelihoods, considering shocks (e.g., violent conflict), transforming structures (e.g., institutional intervention), and livelihood outcomes.

Results

Through the lens of SLF, this article shows how violent conflict can exacerbate social inequality for women survivors of sexual violence, considering their livelihood vulnerability context, asset status, transforming structures and coping strategies, and livelihood outcomes.

The Vulnerability Context

The vulnerability context of women survivors is defined by the health and socio-economic impacts of sexual violence that increased the livelihood vulnerability of participants as evidenced by the traumatic experiences they recounted.

“I was raped at home by a gang of six men. I bled a lot, and I did not have a qualified person to stitch my wound. When stitched, my wound swelled, and now I have a big scar. They stitched my wound six times to stop my private part from coming out” (Interview, Goma).

Participants further indicated that they experienced victimisation, social discrimination, and rejection as close family and community members often blamed them for their misfortune (of being raped and acquiring HIV).

“I was unable to leave the house because people began to discriminate against me ... People did not even want me to use their toilets … Even my children rejected me” (Interview, Goma).

The evidence corroborates previous studies associating the traumatic experiences of women survivors of sexual violence because of its modus operandi[1] (Zihindula & Maharaj, 2015; Bartels, et al., 2010; Mukwege & Nangini, 2009).

The vulnerability of women survivors of sexual violence is further aggravated by their social status as internally displaced persons to urban settings hoping to escape victimisation and social isolation in their rural bases. However, life in urban areas comes with different challenges associated with the cash economy. Access to basic needs is contingent on finances. At the same time, the income-earning ability of women survivors is constrained by the country's general unemployment levels and the lack of sufficient start-up capital and/or skills for self-employment. These vulnerability contexts render their realisation of sustainable livelihoods nearly impossible.

Impact of Sexual Violence on Livelihood Assets

The health and socio-economic effects of sexual violence affect access to key livelihood assets (human, social, natural, physical, and financial capital) among participants. The SLF considers that the capacity to generate livelihoods depends on the human ability to be economically functional or productive. This ability is a function of having good health (physical and mental) and intellectual status (knowledge and skills) (Makanishe, 2013). Participants described how sexual violence affects the physical component of their human capital.

In the aftermath of being sexually abused by armed rebel gangs, most of the participants (9/14) in this study indicated that they tested positive for HIV/AIDS.

From a social capital perspective, the potential to generate livelihoods also hinges on social support from different actors, including family, community members, the state and NGOs. Evidence in this study shows that sexual violence jeopardised the social capital of women survivors of sexual violence as they were generally victimised, experienced social rejection, and, in some cases, lost male breadwinners as husbands, fathers, or older children were killed. Most (12/14) participants described how their families rejected them for being sexual violence victims and/or testing positive for HIV as a result.

“My husband’s family snatched all the children from me. They blamed me that I have a curse that caused my husband to be killed. My husband’s family took everything from me” (Interview, Goma).

Such experiences of victimisation and rejection forced participants to seek refuge in the city of Goma away from their families and communities, thus depriving them of family and community support. Family and community support constitute critical social capital for women to generate livelihoods, particularly in a patriarchal society where they often depend on natural assets (e.g., land for subsistence farming, crops, and water resources) and physical assets (e.g., housing, furniture, and farming equipment) controlled by men for livelihood production.

The data shows that participants further experienced the loss of financial assets as a ripple effect of compromised human, social, natural, and physical capital, which constrained their ability to maintain economic productivity and earn an income. This occurred in three ways: 1) some women were not only sexually abused but also had their monies, trading goods, and properties confiscated by the armed rebels; 2) the brutality of sexual violence and the attendant damage to the survivor's physical and mental health rendered them quasi-dysfunctional, thus needing a long time to heal and regain economic activity; 3) social exclusion resulted in the loss of income opportunities as they lost access to key assets (e.g., farming land owned by the family, trading space controlled by the community).

“When I was rejected, I had to start life anew because everything I had was left in Bunia” (Interview, Goma).

This social isolation entails internal migration becoming the only viable option. The question is whether this alternative necessarily provides opportunities for sustainable livelihoods. Well, this may depend on the presence of adequate transforming structure and coping mechanisms.

Transforming Structures and Coping Strategies

The SLF considers the availability of transforming structures, including state and non-state interventions, to support alternative livelihoods or coping mechanisms. The findings point to a glaring absence of government intervention and limited humanitarian assistance (mainly psychosocial support) from NGOs. Participants generally relied on sporadic and insufficient support from NGOs and faith-based organisations like Tumaini. They indicated that such assistance resulted in minimal relief as it was generally limited to psychosocial intervention, short-term (six-month) microloans of US$50 to US$100, and petty cash to procure medication, such as ARVs. Although the purpose of microloans was to invest in profit-generating activities, participants indicated that the project generally failed because the amount was insufficient to do this and simultaneously meet their basic needs (e.g., food, rent, education, etc.).

Livelihood Outcomes

The SLF further analyses the livelihood outcome of a stressful event considering the vulnerability context, asset status, transforming structures, and coping strategies. The findings demonstrate that in the absence of government support and limited humanitarian assistance, participants experienced dire livelihood conditions. They felt the need to venture into the labour market in the host city where they require a different set of skills from their original rural and farming activities. Although those who are fortunate can secure low-paying jobs such as cleaning, washing, and babysitting, others resort to what participants called ‘dirty jobs, such as street begging, serving alcohol in clubs, and prostitution.

“I live on donations. If someone has a job, I do it. However, there is a problem because there are times when people offer me the dirty job of selling alcohol, which exposes me to sliding back into sin [prostitution]” (Interview, Goma).

Such job opportunities are perceived as dirty because they can expose women survivors of sexual violence to abuse further and health hazards, including the risk of HIV (re)infection and spreading. In this context, nearly all participants indicated that they were struggling to meet their basic needs because sexual violence compromised their ability to sustain themselves. This is a dramatic shift from the past when they used to support themselves before they were abused.

“The money I was making before I was raped was enabling me to pay for my children’s education, to buy clothing, and travel. I was living a happy life, and my health was good because I ate healthy” (Interview, Goma).

Against this backdrop, the participants wished to return to their villages, but numerous challenges, including the lack of transport and the violent ongoing conflict, also complicate this option.

Discussion and Conclusion

The findings show how sexual violence associated with violent conflict complicates access to sustainable livelihoods, which can exacerbate social inequality (considering both the living conditions and opportunities). From a political economy perspective, both violent conflict and the attendant sexual violence are an outcome of power relations located in the political, economic and social structures affecting women as a less powerful and marginalised social group in the DRC. As Navarro (2020: 2) maintains, social inequality is an outcome of “how power is realised through our economic, political, and social institutions”. The findings show that sexual violence exacerbates the already marginal position of women survivors by compromising their access to assets (human, social, natural, physical and financial capital), which the SLF considers the building blocks of sustainable livelihoods. Experiences of physical and mental trauma[2] suggest that sexual violence compromised the human capital of women survivors. They became economically inactive and unable to support themselves because of their health conditions.

Sexual violence further erodes other livelihood assets as participants experience victimisation and rejection, forcing them to seek refuge in urban settings. This social isolation entails the loss of social capital (family and community support), natural capital (access to male-controlled land), and physical capital (loss of access to male-controlled housing and equipment). This form of gender-based marginalisation corroborates the theoretical postulation that power relations drive social inequality (Crossman, 2018). This mainly occurs in a patriarchal society where the ability of marginalised women to generate livelihoods largely depends on assets controlled by men, which is the case in the eastern DRC.

The ripple effect is systematic loss of income and destitution, with sustainable alternative livelihoods being nearly non-existent due to state inaction and limited non-state intervention and market opportunities. This situation axiomatically exacerbates inequality along gender lines[3] and livelihoods lines.[4] The finding aligns with previous research showing that violent conflicts increase the levels of inequality during conflict and post-conflict periods (Bircan, Brück, Vothknecht, 2017).

In conclusion, the evidence in this paper shows that sexual violence in the context of violent conflict can exacerbate social inequality as it worsens the living conditions of women survivors and compromises their opportunity to generate alternative and sustainable livelihoods. This occurs as they become economically inactive, first for health reasons and subsequently due to loss of access to vital livelihood assets, as they experience victimisation and social isolation because of their status as survivors of sexual violence. The absence of adequate transforming structures (e.g., social security by the state and meaningful NGO intervention beyond psycho-social support), aggravates the dire living conditions. Furthermore, high unemployment in the country and the relevant skills to access opportunities in the highly competitive labour market increase the livelihood vulnerability context of women survivors of sexual violence. The evidence suggests that while psycho-social support is a critical first step toward the healing of women survivors of sexual violence, their full mental recovery, social reintegration, and independence may depend on their ability to generate sustainable livelihoods.

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[1] The literature shows that the nature of the violence (e.g., insertion of sharp objects into the private parts, rape in the presence of family members at gunpoint, and acquisition of HIV) often resulted in both physical trauma and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) (Zihindula & Maharaj, 2015; Bartels, et al., 2010; Mukwege & Nangini, 2009)

[2] The evidence in this study corroborates previous research findings by Kohli et al. (2013), Glass et al. (2012); Klot & DeLargy (2007) showing that women survivors of sexual violence often experienced physical health (e.g., injuries, fistula, sterility, HIV, STIs, pain), mental health (e.g., headaches, shame, fear, crying) and other issues such as unwanted pregnancy and malnutrition.

[3] Inequality between men and women

[4] Inequality between women victims and non-victims of sexual violence